Guidelines for World Evangelism	George Gurganus, editor
	Contents | Foreword | Chapters: 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | Personalia

The missionary's rationale for establishing service institutions, i.e., hospitals, schools, etc., in foreign lands has in the past included two principal considerations: (1) The underdeveloped nations, usually the target for missionary thrusts, are thought to need the modern gadgetry and techniques which can be brought by the missionary. (2) Service institutions provide an entree that often helps to resolve problems related to hard-to-penetrate societal barriers and governmental immigration policies. The entree aspect has occasioned cooperative efforts that otherwise might never have been realized. For example, educational needs have been met through government-church school enterprises in certain emerging African states, especially those once under British rule.

In South America, the early nineteenth century independence movement produced a political climate that facilitated religious change. European Protestants were granted freedom of worship principally because they were seen by the anti-clerical revolutionary leaders as another force against Spanish and Roman Catholic domination. Although not usually interested in becoming Protestants themselves, the new leaders in effect encouraged the growth of Protestantism beyond its original ethnic boundaries by employing the talents of these European immigrants in desperately needed secular services. One such need was schools, to which the Protestants responded with teaching expertise and religious zeal. For example, James Thompson, who worked in Argentina, Chile (invited by Bernardo O'Higgins in 1821) and Peru, not only instituted a series of Lancaster¹ schools, but also was a representative for the British and Foreign Bible Society, for which he distributed Protestant literature. These activities constituted the first phase in the Protestant missionary thrust among the South Americans.

Subsequently, the Protestants began to engage in proselyting efforts and sought help from foreign mission boards. The United States mission boards took the lead in these efforts, about which a one-time Methodist missionary to South America has written:

Activity by the foreign mission boards represents the second phase of Protestant growth. It was accompanied in many cases by social service projects, for often the sponsorship of such projects was the only formal non-Roman religious activity permitted among the public at large. A number of what have come to be outstanding schools were begun in this way, a most noteworthy example being the American Institute in La Paz.²

This "second phase" identified by Carter provides an unusually good background for this study because it represents a technique initiated during a period for which it seemed especially relevant, and has continued until the present time. During the past few decades, however, serious doubts have been raised concerning the worth of social service mission projects in solving twentieth-century church growth problems. Also, in contrast to the older historical Protestant denominations, a sharp increase in religious conversion has been seen in a third-phase movement, best characterized by Pentecostalism. These groups, usually financially and governmentally independent from foreign sponsorship, have brought renewal through emphasizing "spiritual salvation," not social service.³ The phenomenal growth of the third-phase churches makes profitable an evaluation of the social service programs, and provides the following question for this study: Do social service institutions, particularly educational institutions, contribute to or detract from numerical growth and the development of autonomous churches? "Autonomous" is here used to describe a church whose finances, internal government, and evangelistical outreach are sustained by the initiative and resources of its local membership.⁴ The "development of autonomous churches" would involve either a totally self-supporting and self-propagating beginning or a gradual assumption of these responsibilities within a few (perhaps ten) years.

Answering the above question will involve the utilization of descriptive information obtained through personal interviews with Protestant missionaries and Mexican church leaders as well as the review of pertinent literature Generalizations from these data will be presented at the end of this chapter.

Our method of approach will be to first examine some of the tenets and the consequences of the institutional and functional approaches. Then, using Latin America as an example, institutional theological education will be presented in the light of recent positive trends, some inherent weaknesses and possible alternatives. Finally, Mexico will provide the setting for an overview of comparative methods and results among prominent non-Catholic missions.

The institutional approach is distinguished from the functional approach by the two-fold nature both of the guiding principles of an institution and its functional fulfillment in the lives of the religious participants. The institution usually has its written laws and proceedings, but these do not always match the "real" happenings. Likewise, the individual might seek acceptance in an institution, not because of its manifest purpose, but because of the latent function that is provided in which needs are met and/or frustrations released. The manifest, i.e., stated, purpose might be "preparing men to serve as full-time ministers of the church." But this is not necessarily the reason for which one enrolls. The latent or "hidden" function is often a phenomenon sensed and manipulated by the students of a school or members of a church, but which is out-of-touch with the administrators' official sphere of activity within the institution's stated goals and ideals. The institutional approach, then, involves observing the ground rules, as understood by the administration, with great emphasis on the manifest purposes of that institution.

The functional approach does not necessarily preclude the use of an institution; the principal consideration is found in how that institution is used. If it serves as an unbending model that must be emulated regardless of the social and cultural incongruities, then the approach is most definitely institutional. In this, the institution is duplicated, which becomes the purpose or end within itself. When the institution serves as a means to a more noble and culturally congruent end, not dependent on the institution itself, then there is sufficient flexibility for functionalism.

The functional approach allows a latitude within the structure of the institution (if any is used), permitting the adherents to demonstrate their "true selves." Fulfillment is found in certain latent functions of religion, e.g., social mobility, protest against the establishment, etc. A classic example of this is seen in Chilean Pentecostalism; the leaders of this movement have demonstrated extraordinary adaptability and flexibility in incorporating Chilean culture into their churches. Not only do they know how to meet the people's felt needs, they also have skillfully taken ritual and fit it into the culture, adopting existing institutionalized behavior, but modifying it to meet their own purposes and goals. This means simply that Pentecostalism has built for itself a set of symbols that serve to contribute toward group cohesiveness, while protesting against the established ecclesiastical order. Seemingly taking a purposeful opposite to just about every major tenet of Roman Catholic ritual, they have still designed and made possible for themselves a definite group identity. For example, they will not use images, will not burn candles, will not put crosses on their houses, and will pray almost at a shout.⁵ Therefore, through allowing members to vent their frustrations against. Romanism, the Pentecostals have made themselves distinctive, with an authoritarian doctrine, severe sanctions on rebellious members, and a wide-open ritual.

Basically, what has happened is that a new institution has emerged out of a functional approach that allows the adherents to mold themselves, in their own way, toward the goals that were desired all the time. The institutional approach, in turn, begins with a structured program and frequently frustrates the desired outcomes. It seems to the present writer that while such failures are often attributed to "disinterested and/or unspiritual people" or "disregard for the laws of God," a more palatable reason is to be found in the approach itself. People are often more interested in activities that bring real or imagined solutions to their problems than in joining an institution that seemingly remains aloof to those problems. This interest frequently leads them to search for answers outside the pale of the institutional religious establishment.

Religious Functions in Non-Religious Institutions

Religious functions, especially latent functions, are often carried out in the context of non-religious institutions. This concept demands a definition of religion not usually articulated among church-goers, but recognized by modem theologians. Paul Tillich, for example, presents religion as a system of beliefs and practices that constitute the "ultimate concern" of a society.⁶

In Latin America the ultimate concern, a designation which appears to be much more descriptive of the modern view of religion than the traditional institutional acceptance of Catholicism, obviously transcends hearing mass, visiting shrines, singing hymns, or reading the Bible. Paulo Freire's literacy work among peasants in Brazil⁷ has demonstrated how that concern is sometimes expressed in a concientizacion that, based in politics and education, is designed to incorporate the disenfranchised into mainstream society. Nationalistic movements, even rebel guerilla bands like the one with which the Roman Catholic priest Camilo Torres died, are convincing some church leaders that man is often more concerned with the "here-and-now" than he is with the "hereafter." Such has stimulated both concern and heated debate among the members of the World Council of Churches; this has been especially true since that organization absorbed the International Missionary Council, a body that traditionally has been more interested in evangelical thrusts than in social service.⁸

Today in Latin America there are conscious efforts being made to decide which institutions will figure in the ultimate concern of the people. Vallier draws heavily on Communism and Pentecostalism as being extremely important in the process of change and modernization in Latin America. The importance he sees is not one of direct contribution to the society, but one of pushing the Roman Church toward religious specialization, extricating it from secular involvements. The Roman Church's stance has been that of a political force, to the hurt of its needed religious influence. Vallier feels that since the church has not heeded the religious needs of the people, many have turned to other institutions in which to address themselves religiously. He further theorizes that this drift will force the church's hand.

The point, then, seems to be that a significant percentage of Latin Americans is turning to more functional alternatives for the fulfillment of felt needs and/or release of frustrations, whether in a "culturally rebellious" Christian alternative such as the fast-growing Pentecostal movement or a theoretically non-religious idealism that promises social reform and satisfies "religious" needs. One of the interesting things about the transfer of religious functions to non-religious institutions is the fact that confidence placed in the religious institution is often ridiculed even as the same confidence is being placed in the new institution. A Messianic hope is supposedly brought closer to being obtained through transferring the object of that hope ft6m the supernatural to the natural world. In the nationalistic movements that are so evident in Latin America today one readily recognizes the "religious" quest for freedom, liberty, dignity, and sovereignty. The fact that many Latin Americans have had to turn from the established church to express themselves provides a strong clue for mission approach. The more successful institutions are those which allow one to cope with life on his own terms and instill within him the pride, or hope, or confidence, or faith, or whatever is necessary to keep one in tune with his ultimate concern.

Probably the most frequently used institution in mission outreach is the Bible school or seminary for preparing a corps of native ministers. First established by the historical Protestant churches in the "second phase" of influence, 'and perpetuated by later missionary churches as well, several of these schools have been undergoing a metamorphosis that is seen as a positive move by leaders of major Protestant denominations. A trend within many of the established theological schools of Latin America appears to be that of amalgamation. One optimistic reporter from the Theological Education Fund of the World Council of Churches writes enthusiastically about the interdenominational fusing of seminaries and schools, citing as the "best example" the new Instituto Superior de Estudios Teologicos (ISEDET), the 1970 merger of the Union Faculty of Theology in Buenos Aires with the Lutheran Seminary in Jose Paz.9 The Instituto Internacional de Estudios Superiores in Mexico City, has integrated five formerly scattered seminaries, including the interdenominational Centro Evangelico Unido. The Seminario Biblico Latinoamericano in Costa Rica has incorporated the help of several denominations "although retaining its links with the Latin American Mission."¹⁰ Other examples can be found such as Comunidad Teologica in Santiago, Chile, in which Methodists, Presbyterians and Pentecostals have cooperated. Also, Protestants are increasingly establishing relationships with Roman Catholics through cooperative school programs. A few examples include Lutherans and Jesuits in Sao Leopoldo, Brazil; Episcopalians and Dominicans in Sao Paulo; and ISEDET and the Jesuit Faculty of Theology in San Miguel, Argentina. These happenings seem to have brought new life to an old system of institutional activity and are seen as very positive steps by ecumenically minded churches.

Associations

During the 1960's at least four associations emerged. Not yet powerful enough to decide school policy, they are attempting to bring together the thoughts of the member schools in order to standardize accreditation and textbook production. These are: Asociacion Latinoamericana de Escuelas Teologicas (ALET), covering northern South America, Central America and Mexico; Asociacion Sudamericana de Institutiones Teologicas (ASIT), covering southern South America; Associacao de Seminarios Teologicos Evangelicos de Brasil (ASTE), and Asociacion Andina de Educacion Teologica (AADET), a thus-far very weak organization intended for Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador. To the present, the expanded duties of these associations have not been carefully designed; it remains to be seen which problems will be included in their sphere of influence.

Weaknesses

Savage¹¹ indicates several reasons why the contemporary Bible institute is generally falling short of its intended purposes: (1) Students use the school for social ambition and inexpensive education. (2) The composite of sub-cultures may be aggravated when the administrator is North American or European. (3) Some students from a rural setting have trouble readjusting to that humble life and, frustrated, seek employment in a city. (4) Dependence on the missionary and the United States support might rob the student of initiative and responsibility. (5) Conceptual barriers impede the communication of what might have been plainly said by the foreign missionary. (6) Often the real potential leaders are not in the seminary, but in professions and business.

Lores suggests that theological institutions are not advancing as they should because: (1) Latin Americans no longer respond readily to foreign-dominated institutional control; (2) the present-generation Christians are no longer content with a hope for the world beyond, but want something that functions here and now; (3) there is a cultural gap between those who would like to express their Christian faith in terms of their own setting and those who would perpetuate the cultural transplants which usually dominate in Protestantism; and (4) there are almost insurmountable financial problems in operating institutions in the traditional way.¹²

Alternatives

More and more, church leaders are recognizing the seemingly inescapable weaknesses in institutions not administered and financed by the local populace, and are turning to alternatives designed to eliminate some of the more predictable problems. Gaining popularity are "Evangelism-in-Depth," a crash course delivered in the churches, designed to make every member a church worker; and the prototype extension seminary begun by the Presbyterians of Guatemala in 1862.¹³ Another departure from the resident seminary idea is found in. the Chilean Pentecostal movement where ministers are trained on the job and in the street.¹⁴ An imaginative program is found in Blay House Theological School in the Episcopal Diocese of Los Angeles,¹⁵ I in which mature folk, settled in their jobs, take a four-year theological program only on weekends. Chandapilla tells of moderate success in a teacher-disciple approach conducted on a person to person basis, in the student's home environment.¹⁶

Perhaps more than any other Latin American country, Mexico has been the scene of a fantastically complicated church-state relationship that, among other things, has given rise to a number of incongruities that make Mexican, Catholicism a species of its own. Mexican history speaks of agents 'of both state and church terrorizing one another through various means (one of the most bizarre was that of the "Cristero Rebellion"¹⁷). The result is a paradoxical state of affairs; "Catholic" Mexico has vigorously curbed church economic and political power. But the same laws designed to limit Catholic activity also apply to the non-Catholic religious groups. The Revolutionary Constitution of 1917, drawing heavily on the anti-clerical thoughts of Benito Juarez and the Reformers of 1857, specifies that: (1) Associations called "churches" cannot own real estate. of any kind, but must cede such properties to the Mexican nation (Art. 27). (2) The minister presiding at any type of religious service must be Mexican by birth (Art. 130). (3) In order to open new places of worship to the public, permission must be obtained from the Secretariat of Government (Art. 130). (4) Religious publications cannot comment on political themes (Art. 130). (5) Political meetings cannot be held in church buildings, nor can organizations be initiated that indicate a relationship between political and religious goals (Art. 130). (6) No religious corporation or minister may establish or direct schools of primary, secondary (Jr. High), normal or campesino adult education (Art. 3). (7) Religious ministers are denied the vote and cannot associate themselves with any organization that is political in design (Art. 130).

These and other similar stipulations have necessitated different approaches from the somewhat standard entrance of foreign missionaries who usually rent a building, put up a sign, advertise openly, proclaim their message through the local media and then "open for business." Since all ministers for Mexicans must constitutionally be Mexicans by birth, theological training by established schools appears to be a logical approach for those mission boards that desire a reasonable reproduction of their own doctrinal convictions. This has been done on a moderate scale, both in and out of the Mexican republic.

The majority of the Protestant denominations in Mexico are products of European and North American churches of the same name and creed. However, several churches have been established by independent laymen who, having acquired their new faith, initiated a movement among their people; typical examples are The Apostolic Church of the Faith in Christ Jesus and The Independent Pentecostal Evangelical Church, both of which were begun by Mexicans who had converted from Catholicism while visiting the United States. Other denominations such as The Christian Interdenominational Church and The Spiritual Christian Church have been established by religious leaders who broke with Mexican based Protestant churches.

Churches Established by Foreign Boards

Churches in Mexico which have been established by foreign boards have adopted an array of approaches:

1. The Plymouth Brethren mission has operated from the first under the assumption that Christian works initiated would be entirely financed by local funds. Therefore, with few exceptions, this mission has not provided funds for the support of churches, ministers, or ministerial candidates. Principally, they have purchased literature and prepared future pastors through correspondence and extension "home schools." The results have been impressive, both in numerical growth and active participation in administrative policy by the Mexican converts.

2. The Mennonite Church is presently engaged in an effort to become a "national movement." With occasional special-project help from the foreign church, they are investing primarily in literature, films, radio programs, and a few scholarships. Construction of church buildings is not common; they prefer to buy and recondition houses.

3. The larger denominations in Mexico (Presbyterians, Methodists, and Baptists) were established in a different way. The missionary societies, after having approved Mexico as a mission field, sent personnel with a set budget for the work. Missionaries usually began by seeking contacts through which good relations could be established with the government. Next, suitable properties to base the future operation were secured. Then, when converts were made, promising men with aptitude for the ministry were sent to an institute or seminary, often in the United States. Soon such schools were built in Mexico—with North American funds. Denominational organizations such as presbyteries, conferences and conventions were founded, staffed at first by Mexicans and North Americans, but later with fewer and fewer North Americans. As the Mexican churches matured they were expected to provide their own personnel and financing. This last expectation is being realized, although not as rapidly as originally hoped. It seems that American-made programs are often hard to fully finance with Mexican resources.

4. Other groups seek to make no distinction between the mission church and the "mother" church that is usually paying the bills. Mexican personnel are contracted and paid the same as their missionary counterpart. Examples of this group are the Episcopal and Confessional Lutheran churches, both of which have seen very slow growth.

A crucial point in the history of Protestant missions was the adoption of the "Cincinnati Plan" of 1916 in which the principal groups involved in Mexican mission efforts agreed to divide the nation into "zones of influence," instead of competing with each other in the same geographical territories. This ecumenical plan did not take into consideration the desires of the Mexican churches, nor were many Mexican Protestant leaders consulted. The result was a dissension that helped initiate a movement toward "independence" among the national churches. This movement gained prominence among the congregations of the National Presbyterian Church of Mexico. However, most churches are still in the process of becoming "independent," although Mexican leadership is often outspoken, even hostile, in favor of a national church, free from North American policy-making. As a consequence, there exist strong pressures in the United States to diminish financial contributions to the Mexican churches.

Mexican-United States Church Ties

At the present time there are three major kinds of relationships sustained between the Mexican churches and their North American counterparts. These are:

1. Churches that now govern and sustain themselves financially, but have a coordinating commission that involves the participation of a minority representation of the mission board that created them. Usually, the foreign representation is about one-third of the commission and has but one vote, no matter how many representatives. There exist cooperative relations through which there are interchanges of professors for theological seminaries, and personnel and money designated for special projects. Among these are the National Presbyterian Church, the Methodist Church of Mexico and the National Baptist Convention.

2. Churches that receive partial or total subsidy for various projects such as education, ministerial support, social work, and evangelism, but have a more or less autonomous administrative organization. They have representatives from the mission board, but these do not have the right to vote in matters concerning the national church. Examples are the Church of the Nazarene, the Associated Reformed Presbyterian Church, Bible Baptist Companionship, Association of Christian Churches and the Disciples of Christ. This group appears to be growing much more slowly than those mentioned in number one. One pastor complained that their ecumenical ideas had neutralized a formerly distinctive message and had reduced their effectiveness. A classic example of this was cited: The General Assembly of Congregational Churches of Mexico had 50 churches in 1913; this dwindled to 20 in 1930, and to 9 in 1975.

3. Churches that are a part of the foreign sponsoring church. These depend organically and economically on the foreign church. There is little or no evidence of a "distinct national identity." Money and basic administrative policies come from foreign sources. Mexican ministerial candidates receive full scholarships, and are later salaried by the foreign sponsors, usually the United ' States. Such are the Confessional Lutheran Church and the Churches of Christ.

Financial and Administrative Policies

When one talks with missionaries and local church leaders it becomes quite evident that both groups wish to encourage a trend toward administrative autonomy and financial self-sufficiency for the Mexican schools. But administrative autonomy can scarcely come without financial self-sufficiency, so the latter seems to be the key to the whole matter. In order to achieve the goal of financial independence for the Mexican theological schools, several plans are being tried:

1. Some have reduced funds over a specified period of time which, theoretically, will give the national churches time to arrange for the additional financial burden. This has had partial success, but often churches find themselves hard-pressed to sustain their programs. The Reformed Christian Church in Mexico this year is reaching the end of a five-year financial withdrawal plan. They report that pastors and teachers will have to take a substantial cut in salary because the Mexican churches are just not able to bear the load.

2. Other mission boards have decided to channel their funds toward specific projects, such as social work or special kinds of schools. An example of the latter is the agricultural school in the state of Aguascalientes, sustained by the Disciples of Christ.

3. Still other groups will not establish or maintain works unless they are directly associated with preaching the Gospel. The Plymouth Brethren mission helps support evangelistical thrusts, but encourages the national churches to support their own institutions.

It should not be overlooked that there are several theological schools in Mexico that were established and have been sustained by national churches. Often these are less formal than those begun by the foreign mission board. In this category are the Christian Interdenominational Church and the Christian Spiritual Church. These are some of the more rapidly growing denominations in Mexico.

First of all, a generalization from the foregoing would be that the existence of institutions per se is not the primary problem, nor, perhaps, the solution. Several theological schools have had and continue to have impressive results. More important is the approach used in establishing and promulgating the institution's objectives. The more successful ones are seeking ways to assure self-government and relevance to today's problems through cooperative efforts and/or alternative approaches.

The literature shows that the primary purposes of some theological schools are frequently circumvented and relegated to ineffectiveness by the detractors of a foreign institutional approach. Therefore, unwittingly and unintentionally, the sponsors encourage deviation from the manifest purposes by offering alternatives too attractive to resist; viz., free secular education, upward social mobility, financial security, etc.

On the other hand, functional approaches have proved very effective in accomplishing political, social or religious goals that are always present in the doctrines expounded by the prime movers. These goals are not communicated through a set of. rigid institutionalized behaviors, but rather are incorporated as a part of the local culture and ideals so that they appear to have been a part of that system all along. The local adherents are encouraged to lead, i.e., "function," as they see fit. They are never totally dependent on outside financial or personnel resources for carrying on their program. Therefore, although the main tenets of the doctrine might well have come from foreign sources, the organization functions independently, thus becoming a local effort, not an agency of a foreign effort.

Interviews demonstrate that those churches which have taken a more functional approach in communicating their message have enjoyed greater numerical growth. This growth, effected by an approach that allows ample latitude for participation by the converts, naturally lends itself to the tenets of autonomy. Therefore, for all practical purposes, numerical growth and autonomy are the inseparable results of the same phenomenon. In turn, those churches which have emphasized international and/or interdenominational organization have tended to lose their punch and even their identity in evangelistical outreach.

There appears to be a positive correlation, then, between self-perpetuating (autonomous) churches and the functional approach to missions. Pentecostalism heads the list as the most decentralized, independent movement and is also the fastest-growing in places where that type approach has been followed; e.g., Chile and Brazil. On the other end of the scale appear churches such as the Confessional Lutheran Church, which insists on international continuity, cooperation, finances, government and evangelistic program; this church is one of the slowest growing.

The question proposed in this chapter cannot be directly answered by the information gathered, because there is not adequate evidence as to whether or not an institution per se contributes or detracts from economic and governmental independence (autonomy). The question must be modified to read: "Does the institutional approach to missions contribute to or detract from numerical growth and the development of autonomous churches?" To that question the evidences indicate a conclusive "detract" reply.

It seems to this writer that it is almost an impossible task in this age to transplant a prearranged institution onto foreign soil and then hope that the local adherents will make the institution their program. In places like Mexico, where special problems tend to invite institutional facilities, one should exercise great caution or the institution can easily become a symbol of foreign intervention and. programming rather than a meaningful tool to promote the local church's goals. The institution might be used extensively by the local populace, but not necessarily for the purposes for which it was established. A better approach might be one that allows the locals to design, administer and perpetuate their own programs. If no formal institution emerges, that might indicate they are not needed or even desired by those who live in that particular culture. It seems safe to conclude that administrative and financial autonomy is desired by a great majority of the theological schools in Mexico, but that goal is much harder to achieve once outside influence and money have been accepted.

¹⁷A bloody conflict that came about after President Calles (1924-1928) began closing Catholic temples of worship.

Carter, William E. Protestantism in Four Societies. mimeographed report, April, 1966.

Chandapilla, P. T. "How Jesus Trained the Twelve—Training Leaders in India," Evangelical Missions Quarterly, Summer, 1969, pp. 210-218.

Hodges, Melvin L. On The Mission Field. The Indigenous Church. Chicago: Moody Press, 1953.

Lores, Ruben. "A New Day," World Vision Magazine, Vol. XV, No. 5, May, 1971, pp. 8-10.

McGavran, Donald. "The Warren-McGavran Letters on World Evangelization," Church Growth Bulletin, XI, No. 6, July, 1975, pp. 466-469.

Sapsezian, Aharon. "The Carribean, Central and South America," Directory, Theological Schools. Bromley, Kent, England: Theological Education Fund of The World Council of Churches, 1974, pp. 220-227.

Savage, Peter. "A Bold Move For More Realistic Theological Training," Evangelical Missions Quarterly, Vol. V, No. 2, Winter, 1969, pp. 65-71.

Schonberger, Ernest. "The Episcopalian Weekend Seminary," Church Growth Bulletin, Vol. 111, No. 6, July, 1967, p. 234.

Tillich, Paul. Theology of Culture. New York: Oxford University Press, 1959.

Vallier, Ivan. Catholicism, Social Control, and Modernization in Latin America. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1970.

Wagner, Peter C. "Theological Education In Latin America," Christianity Today, Vol. VII, No. 12, March 15, 1963, pp. 21, 22.

Winter, Ralph D. Theological Education By Extension. South Pasadena, California: William Carey Library, 1969.

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